On Some Ellipsis Phenomena in Korean

(1B), the fragment construction and (1B’), the null argument construction, seem to have the same interpretation. In this paper we argue that the sources of interpretation given in (1BB’) are fundamentally distinct. We propose that fragments are analyzed as an instance of clausal ellipsis while null arguments are analyzed as an instance of null pronoun pro; hence, the former is surface anaphora whereas the latter is deep anaphora in the sense of Hankamer & Sag (1976). This paper is organized as follows. Section 2 discusses some conceptual arguments regarding the two types of reduced constructions. Section 3 discusses some empirical arguments related to macro-micro constructions, inalienable possession constructions, and quantifier floating constructions. Section 4 discusses further implication such as parallelism and wh-puzzles. Section 5 explores some experimental arguments. Concluding remarks are provided in Section 6.